A Campaign Exit With a Long Memory
Campaigns usually prefer tidy departure statements. Jordan Domingue offered something less tidy. He says he worked on two Abdul El-Sayed campaigns, first for the failed gubernatorial bid and later for the U.S. Senate race. He describes serving as El-Sayed’s personal assistant and executive-protection lead, moving to Michigan twice, leaving two overseas jobs early, and taking substantial pay cuts. He also recalls helping El-Sayed’s wife during pregnancy, hearing the youngest daughter call him “Mr. Jorjan,” and painting El-Sayed birthday artwork. Domingue says he was glad to do those things. His point is that he was a close former aide, not a casual critic. It remains one former aide’s account, not independent proof of every allegation.
Why Domingue Says He Walked Away
Domingue says his view changed when the Senate campaign began discussing foreign policy. He writes that the gubernatorial campaign did not focus on foreign policy, while the Senate campaign seemed driven by what he called a desire for “misplaced revenge.” He says he eventually concluded El-Sayed did not truly care about civilians and peace. That conclusion led him to revisit conduct he had once ignored or excused. Those are Domingue’s judgments about motive and character, not findings independently established in the supplied material. Campaigns, of course, rarely treat nuance as a strategic asset.
From Public Image to Private Conduct
The article’s other allegations concern management and personal behavior. It says El-Sayed’s management pushed multiple staff members to tears and describes him as acting like an entitled mobster. Domingue presents himself as the staffer with the most one-on-one time with El-Sayed, saying he was often first to see him in the morning and last at night. He describes working six or seven days a week, 12 to 14 hours a day, and traveling more than 50,000 miles. He also says El-Sayed regularly quoted Shakespeare’s “Past is prologue.” The question is whether a polished public image matches private conduct. Here, the answer comes from a former employee who later broke with the campaign.
The Counter-Campaign Takes Shape
After leaving, Domingue founded Democrats for Mike Rogers. Through that account, he has attacked El-Sayed over Hamas, Hezbollah, UNRWA, and taxes. One post highlighted in the source claims El-Sayed would send money to UNRWA and raise taxes on working-class Michiganders. It also repeats the claim that UNRWA employees participated in the October 7 terrorist attacks. These are campaign arguments from Domingue’s side, not neutral findings established by the supplied material. They do show how a staff departure became an organized public effort against El-Sayed’s campaign.
Signs Are Not Polls
The source contrasts media reports that El-Sayed was tied for the lead with a personal account from a very liberal southeastern Michigan neighborhood. The writer says Democrats for Mike Rogers and Mike Rogers signs appeared throughout the area and predicts El-Sayed will lose badly. That may indicate local enthusiasm, but yard signs are not a vote count. Campaign narratives can look different when viewed through polling coverage, a neighborhood walk, or a former insider’s testimony. None is a complete election forecast.
The Embedded Posts
The source includes social media posts from Domingue, Democrats for Mike Rogers, PattyLovesTruth, and RNC Research. They provide the public posts behind the resignation account and the political counter-campaign described above. Because the supplied article text does not reproduce the full contents of every linked post, the material is best read as firsthand testimony and campaign advocacy rather than a complete, independently checked record.
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